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研究所、轉學考(插大)◆行政管理學
研究所、轉學考(插大)◆教育史與教育哲學
研究所、轉學考(插大)◆幼兒教育
最新試卷
115年 - 115 專技高考_驗船師:專業英文#140541(8題)
115年 - 115 專技高考_驗船師:輪機工程(包括1.柴油機2.鍋爐及壓力容器3.泵、閥4.起錨機、舵機5.冷藏設備6.通風設備7.防止污染設備)#140540(5題)
115年 - 115 專技高考_驗船師:造船原理(包括1.船型與噸位2.浮力與穩度3.破損穩度及艙區劃分4.駐塢及下水5.結構及強度6.阻力與推進7.運動與操縱)#140539(7題)
115年 - 115 專技高考_驗船師:輪機檢驗(包括1.材料檢驗2.鍋爐及壓力容器3.主機4.輔機5.軸系及推進器6.泵、閥及管路7.通風及冷藏8.試俥試航9.污染管制)#140538(5題)
115年 - 115 專技高考_驗船師:船體檢驗(包括1.船級2.電銲3.建造時之檢驗4.載重線勘劃5.海上人命安全國際公約6.噸位丈量7.繫船及起貨設備8.現成船特別、定期及臨時檢驗9.國際海上避碰規則10.防止船舶污染國際公約)#140537(9題)
115年 - 115-1 專技高考_食品技師:食品化學#140536(4題)
115年 - 115-1 專技高考_食品技師:食品工廠管理#140535(5題)
115年 - 115-1 專技高考_食品技師:食品微生物學#140534(8題)
115年 - 115-1 專技高考_食品技師:食品加工學#140533(8題)
115年 - 115-1 專技高考_食品技師:食品衛生安全與法規#140532(5題)
最新試題
10. 當船舶在航行中,發現將進入霧區,或已在霧區中,請問應立即採取何種措施? (A)將 船速改為適當緩速 (B)派人值班瞭望 (C)每隔二分鐘發霧號一次、嗚笛或打鐘 (D)以上 皆是
9. 電器裝備在具有可燃液體、氣體中燃燒,要用不導電之滅火劑來破壞燃燒鏈,請問指 下列何者? (A)水霧 (B)化學乾粉 (C)泡沫 (D)以上皆非
8. 請問下列何者是不能用水沖淡,與水相遇時,能飛濺四方的化學藥品? (A)氯酸鈉 (B)鎂粉 (C)硫酸 (D)鉛粉
最新申論題
7. 請問在海上人命安全國際公約(SOLAS)中,對機艙之固定壓力噴水滅火系統之規定為何?
6. 請問在海上人命安全國際公約(SOLAS)中,對機艙之固定低脹力泡沫滅火系統之規定為何?
5. 試述急救的原則中,在搬運受傷人員時,頭部應該放置在擔架的什麼位置?為什麼?
最新課程
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最新主題筆記
7-2情緒失調
課程:
藥物治療學
章節:
七、精 神 疾病
7-3思覺失調症
課程:
藥物治療學
章節:
七、精 神 疾病
7-4藥物濫用
課程:
藥物治療學
章節:
七、精 神 疾病
最新討論
1. 下列光學顯微鏡中何者能獲得最清晰及立體的細胞結構影像? (A)brightfield microscope(亮視野顯微鏡) (B)phase-contrast microscope(位相差顯微鏡) (C)fluorescence microscope(螢光顯微鏡) (D)confocal microscope(共軛焦顯微鏡)
3. 在細胞內膜系統中,下列何者為最常見的共同路徑? (A)高基氏體(Golgi)→溶解體(lysosome)→內質網(ER)→細胞膜(plasma membrane) (B)核膜(nuclear envelope)→溶解體→高基氏體→細胞膜 (C)內質網→葉綠體(chloroplasts)→粒腺體(mitochondrion)→細胞膜 (D)粗糙內質網(rough ER)→液泡(vesicles)→高基氏體→細胞膜
5. 下列何者不是轉錄因子(transcription factor)的 DNA 結合區(DNA-binding domain)常見的構形(motif)? (A)鋅指形(zinc finger) (B)六合體(hexamer) (C)白胺酸拉鍊(leucine zipper) (D)螺旋迴轉螺旋(helix-turn-helix)
5.已知種植 200 顆 HeLa 細胞,最終可得到 75 個細胞群落;今以 6 Gy 劑量照射後,發現種植 30,000 顆細胞,僅得 36 個細胞群落。試計算 6 Gy 劑量下的細胞存活分率(surviving fraction)為何? (A)0.0032 (B)0.0012 (C)0.12 (D)0.32
45. (A) legislators (B) instructors (C) conductors (D) manufacturers 以下是試卷內容的題目與選項: 請依下文回答第46題至第50題 Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examples of public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plenty of blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organized and committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districts in any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across the country. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes. While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing body of evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for students the district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reform less than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, but at destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flipped the board majority to that camp. Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. The broad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact, the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality of governing a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education. But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall 2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native and Denver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova never got a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new board gave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's sole focus. Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. It has a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving their side unanimous control.
46 Which of the following is the main idea of this passage? (A) A group of activists are now close to their goal of dismantling the educational reform in Denver. (B) Denver's educational reform agenda has been badly interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic. (C) Denver's educational reform has improved significantly, including students who had performed poorly. (D) Denver's teacher union-based board has made concerted efforts to implement a successful educational reform.